living wage organizing and complications
colist-admin at comm-org.utoledo.edu
colist-admin at comm-org.utoledo.edu
Mon Jan 14 13:12:37 CST 2002
[ed: thanks to Jim and Jen for the interesting thoughts and analysis
on nonprofits and living wage organizing.]
From: "Jim Powell (Northside Planning Council)"
<npc at msn.fullfeed.com>
I helped pass living wage laws in Madison and Dane County, Wisc.
One of our
major allies was a large human services agency that received a lot
of money
from the county. We also enjoyed the support of several other
service agencies.
The large agency supported us because the director was strong
advocate of
higher wages for higher quality, committed employees. He
successfully
argued, even before the living wage laws, that for his agency to
provide
quality care for X amount of people, he needed X amount of
money. he called
it "fighting the poverty mentality of service agencies." He pays his
employees well and they provide quality service. The county
responds by
meeting his annual requests.
Overall, our campaign always used the refrain "Taxpayers' money
should not
be used to keep people in poverty." A simple statement but that
one that
resonated throughout the city and county. Why should government
keep people
in poverty? Pay a living wage and you'll experience less turnover in
jobs,
better performance and better service. In addition, our living wage
laws
are indexed to the federal poverty level for a family of four (plus an
additional 10% for the City of Madison); thus the wage goes up
every year.
We built a strong coalition, mobilized elected officials to address
the
(often irrational) concerns of their colleagues, and built strong
community
support. The final votes were 33-4 (county) and 13-5 (city).
Business
opposition evaporated before the final vote.
Human service agencies by and large went along with the living
wage,
although they were very worried about "wage compression" (an
entry level
worker at living wage would make close to what another
experienced worker
currently made after a raise or two). Unfortunately, the political will
to
provide agencies with additional money to address the wage
compression
ended after one budget cycle. However, though agencies complain,
I have not
seen any serious employee retention problems as a result of the
"wage
compression" issue. One caveat: I haven't polled agencies directly
about
this, but the issue is not being raised politically.
I'll be happy to share more if you're interested.
JIM POWELL,
Facilitator, Northside Planning Council
Editor, Northside News
1202 Northport Ave Rm 300, Madison, WI 53704
608.242.6338 608.242.6256 fax
npc at msn.fullfeed.com
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From: "Jen Kern" <natacorncam at acorn.org>
I wanted to respond to Doug Hess's posting about the defeat of the
Alleghancy County Living Wage bill and the larger question about
the role of human service agencies in living wage campaigns.
The Alleghany campaign is unique in several ways, including the
stinging about-face by one of their earliest sponsors at the bitter
end. The campaign differed from most in its unwavering
commitment to and deliberate pursuit of a bill that would cover --
not exempt -- low wage workers on county contracts for
human/social services. Because of this commitment, the campaign
was always going to be harder to win. Unsurprisingly, as their own
research showed, the bulk of the the cost of the law they proposed
would have been for the low paid human service workers employed
by agencies receiving county money. Because of the unavoidable
public costs associated with their proposal, the campaign
stategically lobbied the state to increase their contribution to the
county for these services and lobbied the county (successfully to a
degree) to set aside some money and earmark it for raises to these
workers.
Throughout the campaign they got both support and opposition
from this sector. They got some support from workers, providers
and consumers (for example, clients of home health care workes).
They also made serious compromises along the way to ease the
phase-in of public expense. (these compromises were conveniently
ignoire by those who wanted to couch their opposition to the law in
terms of "not wanting to hamstring social services")
Non-profit and for profit human service agencies and programs --
home health care, day care, Head Start, Meals on Wheels, etc --
have played a role in a handful of other living wage campaigns on
both sides of the fence. In the successful Suffolk County, NY
campaign, for example, the assosicaiton representing the (for
profit) home health care agencies organized aggressively against
the lw law there, while at the same time, individual
In Detroit, St. Louis,and other cities and counties, non-profit
agencies let themseles become a tool of the Chamber of
Commerce's opposition to lw -- in St. Louis even joining the hotel
and restaurant association as plaintiffs in a lawsuit against the city
to overturn the living wage law (passed by ACORN and allies with
77% of the vote at the ballot). In Miami-Dade Co., Madison (Dane
County) and Santa Cruz, and others some version of a "human
services coalition" played a positive role in the campaign coalition.
This is certainly an emergent issue in the living wage movement,
as more and more campaigns attempt to address the problem of
publicly funded poverty in the care professions. The ACORN
Living Wage Resource Center is committed to helping campaign
navigate this difficult terrain. If anyone would like to discuss this in
more detail, I'd be happy to learn from your suggestions/questions
(by e-mail or 202-271-1422).
Jen Kern
ACORN Living Wage Resource Center
617-436-7100
www.acorn.org
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