Date: Tue, 20 Aug 1996 14:01:56 CDT Sender: H-Net/H-Urban Seminar on History of Community Organizing & Community-Based DevelopmentSubject: ABSTRACT: Alinsky/Organization for the Southwest Community (1959) Posted by Wendy Plotkin Prior to posting o Richard Wood's abstract of his 1995 dissertation comparing racial and religious approaches to organizing in the San Francisco area, o Michael Byrd's paper on the IAF and various approaches to religion in organizing, and o Michael Miller's critique of Gary Delgado's BEYOND THE POLITICS OF PLACE and a sales list of historical and contemporary publications available from the Organize Training Center, I'd like to offer two postings on Alinsky's career that will tie the earlier papers on Alinsky to these analyses of post-Alinsky organizing. These are both drawn from Sanford Horwitt's biography LET THEM CALL ME REBEL: SAUL ALINSKY HIS LIFE AND LEGACY (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989). I'll remind readers of two reviews of this book: one by Bob Fisher in the February, 1992 JOURNAL OF URBAN HISTORY (18:2) essay entitled "Organizing in the Modern Metropolis: Considering New Social Movement Theory" and another one written for this seminar by Back of the Yards historian Bob Slayton. In his JOURNAL OF URBAN HISTORY review, Bob Fisher writes, "In Horwitt's LET THEM CALL ME REBEL, the first truly excellent biography of Alinsky, Alinsky emerges as a complex and contradictory figure. Horwitt has carefully mined the Alinsky archives and done the hundreds of interviews necessary to create a personal as well as political biography of Alinsky and his times." (JUH, 227) To obtain a summary of Fisher's review and Bob Slayton's review in full, send e-mail to Listserv@uicvm.uic.edu with the messages -- leaving the subject line blank and adding no other text in the message, especially signatures -- GET FISHER INTRO GET ALINSKY REVIEW In this posting, I address Alinsky's early attempts to extend his experience in Back of the Yards to another working class white neighborhood in Chicago. Horwitt describes Alinsky's attempts to confront the issue of race in a Southwest Side neighborhood in Chicago consisting of working class white Catholics and Protestants, committed to sustaining the white character of their neighborhood. According to Horwitt, Alinsky was disturbed by his inability to introduce racial integration into the Back of the Yards in the 1940s and 1950s. Irony prevailed. The Back of the Yards Council was being proclaimed nationally by authors such as Jane Jacobs (THE DEATH AND LIFE OF GREAT AMERICAN CITIES, 1961) for its effectiveness in preserving the neighborhood in the face of an aging housing stock and industrial disinvestment. Ignored was the fact that the unity that contributed to this community effort was fueled in part by an anti-black agenda, in which the only outreach to African-Americans was the effort to protect them at their place of employment and their travels thereto from their segregated neighborhoods. In an attempt to stem the Council's segregationist agenda, Alinsky tried to persuade his Back of the Yard Council co-founder Joseph Meegan and key Catholic officials to accept an agenda of limited integration, involving racial quotas that would avoid the rapid racial turnover of the neighborhood. The antipathy of these erstwhile allies amazed and overwhelmed him, and led him to an attempt to achieve some type of integration in another similar neighborhood on the Southwest Side of Chicago. The impetus for organizing this neighborhood came from the upper echelons of the Chicago Catholic hierarchy and some of the clergy in the area. They were concerned that like many of Chicago's neighborhoods in the 1950s, the Southwest Side would experience loss of the majority of its white Catholic population. Fear of the burgeoning African-American population, deterioration of the housing stock, and attraction to the white suburbs would lead them to flee. To discourage the realization of this likely course of events, community leaders prior to Alinsky adopted the methods used in the U.S. in the heyday of urban renewal and rehabilitation -- "conservation" programs that offered affordable home loans for the rehabilitation and repair of the housing stock (an emphasis ignored by federal FHA policy, which focused its programs on the suburbs). The more progressive clergy realized that more than physical preservation was needed to prevent turnover in the face of pressure from a growing African-American population. Since the late 1940s, this population had been expanding out of the ghetto in response to the growth of its community, the end of racial residential covenants, and the availability of housing stock as whites fled to suburbs. The church leaders who recruited Alinsky argued that only a massive community organizing and education effort would enable the neighborhood to respond to these demographic changes in a rational way that would work to the benefit of the existing and new residents. The Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago was willing to set aside resources for this effort -- although, according to Horwitt, the program was interpreted by some of the less progressive priests in the parish as one to forestall the in-movement of African-Americans. Alinsky began to lay out his organizing strategy in early 1959. He was assisted in this project by two staff organizers destined to be important players in extending Alinsky's legacy -- Nicholas von Hoffman, an attractive young organizer later to become a well-known journalist, and Ed Chambers, who took over the IAF upon Alinsky's death in 1972. Hoffman acted as Alinsky's manager, and he hired Chambers and a local organizer to obtain as much information on the neighborhood as possible -- interviewing residents and owners of commercial establishments on every block, collecting census and other statistics. The objective of this intensive information-gathering effort was to identify the issues and trends affecting the neighborhood, and to introduce themselves to the organizations and individuals that would constitute the community organization. The community organization was the foundation of the effort, although the agenda in part was Alinsky's. According to Horwitt, "Alinsky and von Hoffman had only one clear goal: to set up a community congress as soon as possible. A congress would mean recognition and legitimacy; delegates from church groups, social and fraternal clubs, neighborhood associations, and local businesses would ratify a constitution, elect leaders, and adopt a program." (325) Thus, the tactics that had been shaped in the Back of the Yards neighborhood began to take form again in this Southwest Side neighborhood -- identification of member organizations, many of which were church-based; identification of leaders within those organizations; development of committees and of a multi-faceted agenda; and a founding convention of the Organization of the Southwest Community (OSC) in 1959. Annual conventions followed. While the OSC worked on typical neighborhood issues having nothing to do with race, Alinsky's integrationist agenda emerged. As a result of intensive organizing by some of Alinsky's staff, the OSC slowly incorporated African-American churches and other organizations into its structure -- although Horwitt describes how it took sly gerrymandering of the OSC's boundaries on the part of Alinsky to even contend that these organizations were part of the neighborhood. The implicit modus operandi was to first integrate the organization, and lay the basis for integrating the neighborhood. The challenge they faced was the entrenched racist convervatism among clergy and layperson alike. The conservatives physically and/or verbally assaulted Alinsky and his organizers, accusing them of being "commies" (indicating the enduring effects of McCarthyism in the late 1950s and early 1960s) and "nigger-lovers." This was a level of overt hostility that Alinsky had not appeared to face in his earlier efforts in Back of the Yards -- most likely because he had avoided any indication of integrationist schemes, and because the Cold War had added a new element to the American creed. According to Horwitt, the organizers' care in allowing the conservatives to have their say, their muffling of the calls for complete integration by the outspoken liberals, and most importantly, the ability to identify alternative targets of antagonism were responsible for the successes they achieved. In their meetings with conservatives, the organizers described in detail the mechanics of block-busting, and convinced some of the most influential conservatives that it was real estate dealers engaging in unethical practices and not African-Americans (other than the African-American real estate dealers) that were the true threat to the neighborhood. In his description, Horwitt displays an admiration for Alinsky's and his organizers' ability to open lines of communication in this conservative community, a result of painstaking attention to the beliefs of all individuals in the community. He applauds the success in achieving cooperation among Catholic and Protestant clergy, an accomplishment at a time when barriers between the major U.S. Christian denominations were high. He highlights the conversions of several conservatives to a more moderate stance on race, and their courage in the face of rejection among their friends and family resulting from their stances. At the same time, Horwitt admits that the effort ultimately was a failure, one that disappeared from Alinsky's accounts of his organizing. Racial change had taken its toll before the effort had begun in the 1950s, due in part to prejudice and redlining (U.S.-sanctioned discrimination against lending in inner-city neighborhoods). In spite of the attempts of the OSC, the organization created by Alinsky and his organizers, the outflow of whites continued, first the rabid racists and then those who feared the loss of the equity in their houses if they stayed. In the end, the neighborhood primarily housed African-Americans, and OSC became a black-dominated organization that used pressure tactics to attain small victories against the entrenched whites that controlled the city of Chicago. Horwitt's assessment of the situation indicates an attempt to be both even-handed and yet to identify specific sources for the failure to integrate racially. Drawing on the assessments of Alinsky's organizers, he singles out the Catholic clergy for criticism of its lack of leadership. If the Catholic leadership had been more courageous, O'Toole [a real estate broker who sympathized with Alinsky] maintains, it could have made an important difference. O'Toole, like the newspaper publisher Bruce Sagan, recognized that the archdiocese had taken a risk -- a terrible risk, Sagan believes -- in embracing Alinsky's plan of limited racial integration as a price for stabilization. But then, O'Toole says, 'the Church simply turned chickenshit, to put it in the most brutal terms, the whole gang." (433-434) As it's easy to overlook important aspects of such a complex story, if I've left out anything important or if you are aware of other sources on this topic, I'd appreciate additions. This entire experience in Alinskyite organizing seems to be a rich vein to mine in assessing community organizing goals, the role of the Catholic church, and racial relations in the U.S. in the twentieth century. Fortunately, COMM-ORG has commissioned a review essay on John McGreevy's PARISH BOUNDARIES: THE CATHOLIC ENCOUNTER WITH RACE IN THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY URBAN NORTH (Chicago: U. of Chicago Press, 1996), as well as John Tropman's THE CATHOLIC ETHIC IN AMERICAN SOCIETY (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1995). Furthermore, upcoming COMM-ORG papers, including most likely several papers written for a seminar on race and organizing, should stimulate some interesting discussion on the history and on-going issues of race, religion and organizing (hopefully, not only in the U.S.). Wendy Plotkin COMM-ORG